By Irakli Laitadze
On February 4, 2026, the Georgian Parliament adopted amendments to the Law of Georgia On Higher Education. The controversial reform triggered mass protests from the academic community and broader society, which are still ongoing. The government argues that the reform will modernize the education system, concentrate limited financial resources, and increase the competitiveness of universities. A central element of the reform is the principle “One City–One Faculty,” under which multidisciplinary universities will be reorganized into specialized institutions aligned with regional and market demands. Critics argue that the reform will reduce institutional autonomy, weaken interdisciplinary research, and hinder integration with the European higher education system.
BACKGROUND: Over the past twenty years, Georgia has implemented EU standards in the field of higher education. The country participates in the Bologna Process and meets the criteria of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). The aim of this process and the EHEA standards is to improve the quality of education, promote student mobility, and ensure the international recognition of Georgian academic degrees.
Despite significant progress, several persistent problems remain: weak research infrastructure, insufficient links between universities and the labor market, and the excessive concentration of higher education institutions in the capital, Tbilisi. Of the sixty-one higher education institutions in Georgia, forty-six are located in Tbilisi.
In early February, the Government of Georgia initiated a reform of the higher education system; however, it significantly deviates from the actual needs of universities. The reform has provoked protests among professors, students, and the broader public. According to the government, the proposed changes will improve the quality of higher education and make it more responsive to labor market demands.
One of the declared goals of the reform is to support regional universities. The government argues that improving the quality of teaching may reduce the migration of young people to the capital and strengthen social and economic development outside Tbilisi. In addition, such support is expected to enhance the stability of regional universities and enable them to respond more effectively to local challenges.
The government argues that budget centralization and the redistribution of academic resources will enable more efficient use of funding for competitive salaries, equipment, and infrastructure. According to this view, restructuring will create better conditions for academic research.
One of the key elements of the government’s reform is the principle of “One City – One Faculty.” This approach implies the abandonment of classical multidisciplinary universities and the creation of institutions focused on only a few disciplines. Critics argue that such a model will ultimately weaken academia. According to the government, however, this mechanism will eliminate the duplication of academic programs across universities and align education more closely with labor market demands. The reform will also allow the state to control the distribution of quotas and admission rates. The number of students receiving state-funded scholarships, as well as their allocation across higher education institutions, will be determined directly by state priorities.
A significant share of Georgia’s academic community fiercely opposes the reform. Particularly active in the protests are professors and students at Ilia State University, an institution known for its strong criticism of the government. The university has become a main target of the authorities, most probably for this reason. Since February 4, protests have been held daily by several thousand campaigners, taking the form of marches and open-air lectures in front of the university.
IMPLICATIONS: The concentration of administrative and financial management reduces the role of universities in academic decision-making. Without control over financial resources, universities lack the capacity to strengthen specific disciplines. Decisions on how to allocate funds should remain the responsibility of the universities themselves. External bureaucratic structures are not well positioned to accurately identify or assess the specific needs of individual institutions.
The dismantling of multidisciplinary higher education institutions will reduce opportunities for interdisciplinary research and may hinder innovation. Excessive specialization risks making education overly dependent on current economic conditions and short-term market demands. Such institutions tend to be less adaptable to changes in the labor market and may limit graduates’ career prospects. If only one specialized institution operates in a region, local students will face limited educational choices, which may further increase migration to Tbilisi. Although specialization may appear beneficial, since concentrated funding could strengthen specific subdisciplines, in practice this effect is likely to be limited.
This is a complex issue that involves the broader context of the entire education system, including secondary education. It cannot be addressed solely through structural changes within universities, as the quality of higher education is directly influenced by the preparedness of school graduates, curriculum standards, teacher training, and assessment models. Without coordinated reform at earlier stages of education, university reforms risk becoming fragmented and ineffective. A systemic approach is therefore essential to ensure coherence, continuity, and long-term sustainability across all levels of education. Consequently, the government’s emphasis on specialized institutions may replace strategic development with short-term objectives. In the long term, such reliance on market signals may undermine the stability of educational institutions.
Nearly 75 percent of Georgia’s population supports further integration with the European Union and there is significant concern that these reforms will jeopardize the country’s participation in the Bologna Process and its ability to meet EHEA criteria. The inadequacy of the reform in addressing existing challenges raises international, as well as domestic, concerns. Moreover, the reform appears to contradict the commitments outlined in Georgia’s Association Agreement with the EU.
From 2026, Georgian state universities will be unable to admit foreign students, or will be allowed to admit only a limited number with prior state approval. Such academic restrictions and increased state control are likely to reduce both the number and the quality of joint research projects, participation in international academic programs, and student exchange programs.
The reform was developed without meaningful involvement of the academic community through open consultations, analytical assessments, or financial evaluations, raising serious concerns about its transparency. The absence of clearly presented criteria, objectives, and implementation mechanisms undermines trust among professors and students and encourages perceptions that the reform serves political rather than strategic goals, including increased control over academic freedom and expression.
Moreover, unclear decision-making procedures heighten the risk of politicization. When the criteria for financing and the reorganization of higher education institutions are not transparent, concerns about political influence and corruption arise. Limited public access to information on decision-making processes, budget allocations, and performance indicators also makes it difficult to evaluate whether the reform’s objectives are being achieved. The lack of clear benchmarks and independent evaluation mechanisms weakens accountability and reduces public trust in the reform process.
CONCLUSIONS: Criticism of the higher education reform by scholars and students highlights significant risks. The reform goes far beyond administrative restructuring and carries important social and political implications. These include the preservation of institutional and academic autonomy, transparent governance, funding for research, admission policies, the social role of universities, continued integration into European education and research frameworks, and the risk of unemployment among the intellectual elite. All of these areas risk becoming adversely affected by the proposed changes.
As of today, the reform applies to all state-owned universities, but there is no guarantee that similar measures will not later be extended to private higher education institutions. The reform contradicts Article 27 of the Constitution of Georgia, which guarantees academic freedom and the autonomy of higher education institutions. A major concern is that the reform may institutionalize political control over universities and significantly reduce their autonomy. Critics argue that an implicit objective of the reform is to marginalize pro-Western academic circles, which have traditionally served as spaces for open debate and free discussion. In the context of the government’s increasingly anti-Western orientation and democratic backsliding, the autonomy and independence of universities remain essential pillars of a free society.
AUTHOR’S BIO: Irakli Laitadze is an Adjunct Professor at Ilia State University (Tbilisi, Georgia) and Senior Fellow of the think-tank EU Awareness Centre (Brussels). He was previously a career diplomat, serving as a senior Counsellor in the Mission of Georgia to the EU and Director of the EU Political Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia. After his diplomatic service, he was the CFO in GMT Hospitality and CEO of Publishing House Artanuji. He holds degrees from Tbilisi State University, the Diplomatic School of Madrid (Diploma), and Cambridge University (MBA), and a Ph.D. (Magna cum laude) from Tbilisi Free University.
