Wednesday, 22 October 2003

INTERVIEW WITH EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF “CIVIL SOCIETY AGAINST CORRUPTION”

Published in Field Reports

By Aziz Soltobaev (10/22/2003 issue of the CACI Analyst)

As parliamentary (2004) and presidential elections (2005) are approaching, Ms. Ismailova envisions an NGO program that will enable hundreds of civil society activists to play a greater role in holding the government accountable through the electoral process. She started to work on this project after an internship program in Washington.
As parliamentary (2004) and presidential elections (2005) are approaching, Ms. Ismailova envisions an NGO program that will enable hundreds of civil society activists to play a greater role in holding the government accountable through the electoral process. She started to work on this project after an internship program in Washington.

Ms. Ismailova, what is your assessment of the current legislation on corruption in Kyrgyz Republic? The legislation of Kyrgyzstan is imperfect, because it was based on the proposals of some deputies. Among them was also Mr. Sultanov, who had accused NGO “Coalition for Democracy and Civil Society” and me on biased reporting when he was elected to Parliament in 2000. We think the legislation had been devised and accepted without participation of civil society. This is why it should be reconsidered and improved with new proposals of social activists.

Recently rights activists in Kyrgyzstan, including your NGO, protested against the OSCE Law Enforcement assistance to the Government. What are the reasons for this? First of all, it is vital to mention that we had heard about the agreement between the OSCE and the Kyrgyz Government from a third party –partners in the Netherlands – and expressed our protest. The OSCE had passed over in silence this event from local NGOs until singing the agreement. The OSCE intended to spend 4 million euros on it and had already delivered ammunition (handcuffs, cars, gases) to local police structures. In essence, the strengthening of the governmental power occurred. Such assistance already displayed results in the recent elections in Azerbaijan, and the mass clashes there. Many citizens were injured. The OSCE claims this cooperation aims to improve police methods of crowd control and preventing public disorder. When we asked OSCE head in Kyrgyzstan Mr. Aydin Edil “have you ever seen public disorders in Kyrgyzstan emerging without reason?” He has not answered.

How would you assess the events of last year – the referendum, and the creation of a media council? The process of general strengthening of the executive power at the local levels is continuing. The referendum held in February was not democratic. It was a referendum without democracy. For example, articles 46 and 47 of the new constitution reinforce the power of the Office of the Public Prosecutor: they can arrest citizen of Kyrgyzstan and imprison them without court or trial. These are Stalinist measures. The Media Council was created as a regulative mechanism of the Government and presidential administration. Actually, a process of return to feudal relations can be seen. Firstly, authorities tried to influence our and other NGOs via law-enforcement structures. The result was unsuccessful. Now, they attempt to do that via the media council – actually the introduction of censorship in the mass media. With the statements of media council independence, Askar Akaev throws dust in the eyes of the international community. Actually, this Council is under the control of the government. This is why we condemn cooperation of international organizations with the government in the framework of the media council.

How effective was the program of elections to institutions of local government that was conducted in cooperation with international organizations? The Central Election Committee regulates these elections, because it informs the electorate two days prior to elections day. The elections in Bishkek, Karakol, Balyckhi and other cities was held in this way. People practically did not take part in the elections, and did not have time to familiarize themselves with the programs of candidates. From another standpoint, we could not keep up with physically preparing and conducting monitoring of these elections. Virtually, the Central Election Committee enforced its power. We think international organizations should work with local NGOs rather than with the government.

What will be the outcome of the presidential elections of 2005? We do not know. Mr. Akayev won previous elections thanks to elderly people (veterans of WWII, pensioners and aksakals) and youth. Elderly people are satisfied with the reforms Mr. Akayev conducts and do not need dramatic changes. As for youth, in fact, the president appoints all heads of Universities; they lobby the presidential administration. In response, we are creating “islands of democracy” in each University (elections of the president of University), soon we will create the institute of ombudsman in one of the universities. We think the role of the Central Election Committee should be reformed. We worry more about the preparation process of the elections rather than the outcome of elections itself. Everything depends on the choice of Kyrgyzstan’s citizens. Our task is to report this procedure from all sides so that the electorate, especially the youth, can take objective decisions.

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The Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst is a biweekly publication of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, a Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council, Washington DC., and the Institute for Security and Development Policy, Stockholm. For 15 years, the Analyst has brought cutting edge analysis of the region geared toward a practitioner audience.

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