Wednesday, 26 July 2006

ECONOMIC BOOM AMID UNEASE IN XINJIANG

Published in Field Reports

By Sureyya Yigit (7/26/2006 issue of the CACI Analyst)

This week witnessed both an agreement on Global Energy Security at the G8 Summit in St. Petersburg as well as a plan by Russia and China to build a pipeline to transport natural gas from Russia to the developing areas of coastal China through the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. These recent developments add more weight to the importance of energy security, though perhaps equally importantly is how this affects the internal balancing within states.
This week witnessed both an agreement on Global Energy Security at the G8 Summit in St. Petersburg as well as a plan by Russia and China to build a pipeline to transport natural gas from Russia to the developing areas of coastal China through the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. These recent developments add more weight to the importance of energy security, though perhaps equally importantly is how this affects the internal balancing within states.

China faces an interlinked problem: maintaining oppression toward the Uyghurs in Xinjiang and increasing energy imports from its western neighboring states. The ‘west’ in its many dimensions is a problem that China is tackling.

China, however, has played its 9/11 card wisely by receiving a quid pro quo from the U.S. State Department, in ensuring that Uyghur organizations were added to the terrorist list in return for providing support to the U.S.-led war on terror.

Uyghurs seem more concerned with the Han Chinese influx into their region than with international collaboration in energy matters. China desperately needs to develop its own energy potential which lies mainly in Xinjiang. Despite the fact that China allows for its minorities such as the Uyghurs an extra child, whereas Han Chinese couples are restricted to only one child, the demographics on the streets of Urumchi are obvious: many more Han Chinese than Uyghurs. Overall in the region, the Han Chinese form the majority but in cities such as Turpan and Kashgar the Uyghurs are noticeably numerous.

Whereas there is open and at times vehement criticism leveled at the Han by the Uyghurs, the reverse cannot be said. The Han Chinese do not on the whole look with disfavor toward the Uyghurs. Heightened economic activity is self-evident at the main Kashgar bazaars. This demand is not purely externally led; it also stems from internal demand by both the Han and the Uyghurs of the region. This takes on a new dimension when one ventures into Urumchi where it is difficult to walk in the sunshine in the capital of Xinjiang, with a population estimated to be over 3 million, due to the numerous skyscrapers peppered all across the city.

One local proudly pointed to a magnificent-looking new construction, telling this author that this was to be a new 64-storey office block. It would not be an exaggeration to say that Urumchi resembles not a provincial communist city but a North American boom town. It does not have the traditional characteristics of a western European city, as it is dominated by roads, preference being given to private individual cars rather than communal public transport.

In all the larger cities in Xinjiang, one finds the Xinhua state bookshops which are impressive. Despite the fact that one can find Uyghur books written in the Arabic script, the majority of the books are in Chinese, with pride of place given to the translated biographies of past and present Communist Party high officials. It is clear to see that the Chinese are pursuing a policy of limited concessions but these are not deemed to go far enough by most Uyghurs.

Another frequent observation is the old style political propaganda posters showing Mao, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, seeking to display continuity. Whilst this might have had a major impact years ago, it loses its clout when it is dwarfed by western advertisers highlighting their own brands.

Despite the police presence, economic activity is unperturbed. In terms of business, there seems to be little state intervention. When it comes to political matters, though, it is another story. Nearly all Uyghurs interviewed warned of agents of the state peddling information back to the police.

Even the centrally located historic city of Turpan shows economic dynamism. Walking on the streets after disembarking from the bus, one is accosted by teenagers speaking very good English and offering services as a personal guide. The tourism industry is developing rapidly in cities such as Turpan and this, similar to economic dynamism, is not all externally driven. Internal tourism is also gathering pace. In fact, most of the tourists in the region were Chinese rather than westerners.

The long arm of the Chinese state with a clenched iron fist under a velvet glove did, however, make its presence felt just outside Turpan. The tourist minibus in which this author was traveling pulled over to the side as a military convoy was traveling in the opposite direction. Two Chinese tourists took digital photos of the passing convoy. Within a minute, a jeep cut across the minibus, soldiers with machine guns surrounded it, and officers entered the vehicle, forcing the deletion of the photos. After this incident, the tension disappeared as quickly as it had arisen. The net effect was that the Chinese tourists became further alienated from their own armed forces. The cleavage between the young educated and increasingly wealthy Chinese yearning for a western lifestyle and the old style authoritarian military guardians of the state could not have been more apparent. In that respect, those Han Chinese and the Uyghurs share a similar desire for greater freedom.

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