The dispersal of a protest rally turned violent at Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue on Georgia’s Independence Day. Riot police broke up an anti-government demonstration, led by former Parliamentary Speaker Nino Burjandze on May 26. Two people died and dozens were injured during the turmoil. Although the dispersal has troubling consequences, it may mark the beginning of a new phase in the country’s political life.

Protest rallies organized by the Peoples’ Assembly, a movement uniting public figures in opposition, started on May 21 and continued for four days outside the Georgian Public Broadcaster’s office. The movement’s leader Burjanadze openly declared that “events in Georgia will, unfortunately, develop through a revolutionary scenario”. She called on her compatriots to join the event, but her revolutionary rhetoric did not attract much attention. Aiming to impede the military parade dedicated to the Independence Day celebration, around two thousand supporters of the Peoples’ Assembly moved to the Freedom Square in central Tbilisi on May 25.

The clash between protesters and police began in the early hours of May 26, shortly after the Mayor’s Office informed the organizers that their permission to demonstrate had expired and offered them to continue the demonstration at another location. While refusing to accept this proposal and vowing not to step back, the leaders of Peoples’ Assembly – Burjanadze, her husband Badri Bitsadze and some others – left the scene almost at the same time as the police operation started. According to the Interior Ministry, Burjanadze’s and Bitsadze’s convoy crashed into people in their way, killing one policeman and injuring 19.   

The riot police used water cannons, teargas and rubber bullets against protesters armed with plastic sticks and wooden shields. As most outlets of Rustaveli Avenue were blocked, rally participants hardly had any opportunity to escape. Over a hundred people were arrested and dozens taken to hospital for urgent treatment. Cases of physical abuse by law enforcement against already detained protesters and some journalists were revealed during the operation. A few Georgian journalists also reported that their video cameras and memory cards were seized or broken by the police.

The Georgian Public Defender, as well as international and Georgian human rights and media organizations, and most opposition parties accused authorities of using excessive force and recommended the government to seriously investigate cases where the police used disproportionate force.

At a military ceremony the same day, President Mikheil Saakashvili said that a Russian attempt to overturn the democratically elected government of Georgia had failed. For more evidence, he referred to the secretly recorded audio conversation between Burjanadze and her son Anzor Bitsadze.

In an audio recording released by the Interior Ministry, Bitsadze seeks to convince his mother to take responsibility for a revolution worth the lives of 100 or 200 Georgians. He assumes that the Georgian army will not interfere in civil confrontation. However, if the army opens fire, “we will repel the first attack and then let it go and deal with the GRU [Russian military intelligence] special task force” he adds. 

Shortly after, the Interior Ministry released other secret records including video footage covering a meeting of the Peoples’ Assembly’s leaders in a restaurant and video testimony of former General Gia Uchava. The recordings seemingly unveils the existence of a paramilitary group named “Sworn-in-Brothers” and that the group armed with sticks and wooden shields was organized by the Peoples’ Assembly before the rallies began.

The government presents the audio and video recordings as a rationale for disrupting the protests on May 26. Nevertheless, the government did not provide convincing arguments for failing to release the evidence before May 26. Moreover, it has not explained why organizers aiming to overthrow the government had not previously been detained.

The recent developments imply that the government has achieved the political bankruptcy of Burjanadze’s radical opposition. The authorities have also proved capable of preventing yet another provocation against the Georgian state. In doing so, it managed to disqualify the methods and rhetoric employed by the radical opposition and underlined that elections are the only way to change government in Georgia. However, the achievement came at a high cost. At least two people were killed – two additional bodies were found close to Rustaveli Avenue on May 27. Some rally participants are still missing and the excessive use of force during and after the police operation will harm the country’s international image.

Not surprisingly, the events will benefit the Group of Eight, consisting of eight opposition parties who distanced themselves from radical actions and did not join the five-day protest. If coordinated steps are taken, these parties may attract a considerable portion of the electorate by targeting socially vulnerable voters whose needs have not been met by the government, as well as those concerned over the quality of democracy in the country.

The May events could become a turning point in Georgia’s post-revolutionary epoch. Presumably, conceptual confrontation between those who believe that the survival of small country depends on its adherence to liberal values and those who downplay the role of institutions and prioritize security needs to the detriment of democracy will increase. This could contribute to the creation of a more sophisticated political environment with a better informed electorate.