It was not the first time that the leadership vowed publicly to eradicate economic crime among government members and top officials. But this time, words were followed by harsh measures. On June 7, a Security Council spokesman announced that 37 officials were indicted on corruption charges and 29 officers of the Interior Ministry, Customs Agency, financial police, tax committee, Ministry of Environment and prosecutor’s office were sacked.

The President cited numerous cases of bribery and abuse of office among the judges. But according to current legislation, judges can be dismissed from their posts only by presidential decree. In the past, sporadic campaigns against corruption were limited to half-hearted measures which targeted mainly minor civil servants, leaving intact the well-organized network at the government level. Some of the most scandalous cases of organized crime have already become known to the public through the press. Among the arrested on criminal charges are the deputy head of the security department of the Interior Ministry, the chief of the security department of the South Kazakhstan division of the ministry, and the head of Khogos customs crossing-point on the Chinese border.

It is hardly incidental that the impressive clampdown on corruption took place on the eve of the third Investment Summit held in Almaty on June 8, sponsored by the International Herald Tribune. Addressing the summit, Nazarbayev said that Kazakhstan “attaches great importance to attracting investment in developing our economy, and all favorable opportunities have been created in the country for development”. By Central Asian standards, Kazakhstan is indeed a success story, with 80 per cent of all Central Asian investment located in the country. The summit made a favorable impression on foreign investors who praised the attractive investment climate in Kazakhstan, although some of them complained about bureaucratic procedures in government offices.

Whatever may be the outcome of the renewed anti-corruption efforts, this campaign is fully in line with the demands of western democratic institutions and political parties for stamping out economic crimes. Even the daughter of the president, Dariga Nazarbayeva, has repeatedly called for the establishment of public control over the activities of local government bodies stressing that corruption-related crimes erode the future of the country. The ruling regime seems to recognize that the rising level of corruption raises doubts about the seriousness of Kazakhstan’s intention to carry out radical political reforms. Speaking at a meeting of the state commission for drawing up and defining a program of democratic reforms, he tried to dispel these doubts and said the time has come to start the implementation of tasks on political modernization. An important part of the political reforms drafted by the government is the introduction of local self-government in the regions, and the election of akims (governors) on local levels.

But a majority of people, disillusioned by numerous similar decorative moves in the past, are skeptical about the prospect of political reforms. In fact, according to a government-initiated draft law, local akims are to be elected not by direct voting, but by members of local legislative bodies (maslikhats). That means that local governors remain subordinated to central government and will not be accountable to people.

President Nazarbayev in his public speeches invariably advocated a “step-by-step” political reform, taking into account Kazakhstan’s national interests. This approach finds a considerable support in society. On the other hand, it is hardly likely that western states, concerned to maintain good relations with oil-rich Kazakhstan, will at this stage press the government for radical political reforms.