During the conflict, Georgian homes and schools were entirely destroyed or seriously damaged. Schools were direct targets. Now, winter is fast approaching and food and fuel is scarce. Residents fear that the conflict will reignite at any moment, claiming that Ossetians remain armed, continue to dig trenches around strategic villages, and randomly detain Georgians and then abuse them in custody. Meanwhile, nightly shooting from automatic weapons continues.

The evacuation was a mess. Although the Georgian government knew the conflict was heating up (shooting began on 8 July and escalated on 27 July, when Tamarasheni village was first shelled by artillery), no evacuation plans were organized. Exchanges of fire began to turn into a full-scale conflict on 10 August. On 12 August, when women, children, and the elderly began to evacuate by car and on foot in large numbers, carrying only what they could in their hands, local authorities were caught unprepared and had to respond in a haphazard manner. Officials scrambled to organize transportation out of Didi Liakhvi, Patara Liakhvi and Proni Gorge (where Georgian villages are located in South Ossetia). Many were transported on the back of trucks, others in buses and minivans. Local authorities used their own vehicles to drive residents out of the conflict zone. Ossetians reportedly did the same, but information was difficult to confirm.

Consequently, when the official flight began, family members were lost for several days until relatives and officials could locate them. Some, left homeless, stayed with neighbors. For many in Georgian-controlled territories, this was not the first evacuation. When the shooting began, residents began to leave the area to stay with family and friends. Mothers explained that they were becoming a burden on family members and, thus, decided to return—despite their fear of living in a conflict situation and the threat of being killed. Because many never returned, when the government finally launched an evacuation on 12 August, several residents were not able to join the “holiday” programs (and thus continued to rely on relatives for support).

The number of “temporarily displaced persons on holiday” well exceeded 3000. Due to the chaos that surrounded evacuations, there was no exact record of relocations. Authorities stated, “We have no idea where they are, who they are staying with, or when they will return…. People keep coming and going”.

Those who decided to stay did so for numerous reasons. With the memory of evacuating their homes—not knowing they were never to return—during the first 1990 to 1992 conflict, residents stressed they were not going to leave and lose their land again. Families explained that, as before, Ossetians would enter Georgian villages, steal livestock, rob and burn homes, and then claim Georgian territory as their own. Moreover, fields would lay to waste and villagers would not be able to survive the coming winter. Thus, children and women were evacuated instead. While many women accompanied children to resorts, some returned to assist sons, husbands, fathers, and grandfathers who stayed behind to defend villages. One woman whose house in Nikozi was surrounded by evidence of heavy shelling, began to cry when she explained that she let her children leave, but “couldn’t leave [her] husband alone to die”. One Eredvi villager explained during heavy nightly shelling, “We are standing beside one another to defend our villages. If one leaves that is seen as betrayal and would encourage others to leave.”

At the same time, the government appeared to encourage conflict zone residents to stay. Several times during the conflict, Saakashvili and his authorities could be heard making public statements such as, “Georgians will not leave their homes in these territories. They are ready to die there.”

Generally, however, displaced persons were happy with their “holiday” evacuations and thanked Saakashvili and local authorities for their support. Not everyone, however, had a positive experience. Complaints of poor living conditions, dirty accommodation, undrinkable water, poor food, and overcrowded facilities abound. Some explained that relatives did not know where they were located.

Awaiting their return, women sat with children in hopeful anticipation, but also in fear of what lay ahead. Many knew their houses had been destroyed or extensively damaged and were concerned about how they would survive through the winter (food would be scarce since fields had been neglected during the conflict). Approximately 28 buses (1200 persons) returned conflict zone residents home between 4 to 6 September. While the government claims that all residents in government-sponsored programs are now returned, (taking into consideration residents who returned on their own initiative) many remain unaccounted for.

Immediately following an 18 August cease-fire agreement, which has held to date, Georgian authorities, members of parliament, and businessmen from across Georgia sprang into action by delivering humanitarian assistance (flour, oil, rice, sugar, macaroni, school supplies) to conflict zone residents and to assess damage. Monetary compensation is planned for destroyed or damaged houses (though most personal items will not be covered). Reconstruction of damaged or destroyed schools is set to begin soon. Some residents complain that not all of the humanitarian assistance is being distributed as promised. Others worry that the food provided will only last the through mid-September. (Continued in the next issue)