“Now the next step in Georgia is to ensure stability and peace. Tomorrow [read November 24] I will meet with the national security council and discuss how this can be done”, said Burjanadze on November 23. While urging both the Georgian people and political leaders such as Adjaran leader Aslan Abishidze to stay calm, festivities were inevitably taking place in the capital and Burjanadze described the scenes taking place outside her office. “Thousands of people are still celebrating on the streets of Tbilisi, they are honking their car horns and waving with flags. Everyone is very relieved that a very serious crisis have been resolved peacefully. The people of Georgia have defended their freedom, civil rights and the right to free and fair elections. They have won a very serious battle. This happened after three weeks of demonstrations in harsh weather conditions. The people deserved a better government and to be better governed. I will do my best to ensure that free and fair elections can be held within 45 days as the constitution prescribes.”

Burjanadze was unexpectedly chosen chairperson of the parliament in 2001, replacing another leading oppositional leader and ally, Zurab Zhvania, leader of the political bloc the “United Democrats”. With a Ph.D. in International Law, she became a member of Parliament in 1995 and was chosen chairperson of the parliament’s foreign affairs committee in 2000. Although viewed largely as belonging to a clan closely linked to president, (her father is similarly to Shevardnadze an old apparatchik and Shevardnadze is Burjanadze’s godfather) she has during the last two years openly distanced herself from the now deposed president. Her fierce stance against corruption has made her one of the most popular politicians in the country. Initially viewed as lacking the political base and connections necessary to succeed in Georgian political life, her position has been strengthened in the last year by closer ties to Mikhail Saakashvili, leader of the National Movement, and Zhvania and the United Democrats. For the moment, the three oppositional leaders keep a united front, with Saakhasvili appearing as joint candidate in the presidential elections, while Shevardnadze’s allies are resigning en masse. As more everyday worries of public administration such as the payment of government salaries and pensions are replacing the giddyness of ousting Shevardnadze, unity may however be difficult to preserve.

Indeed, the forthcoming elections may prove a litmus test of the Troyka’s strength. As the demonstrations in Tbilisi were initiated by the opposition with demands on the elections being re-held due to election fraud, there is both external and internal political pressure that the presidential and parliamentary elections taking place on January 4, 2004, are conducted in compliance with international standards. The new leadership has received the full support of the OSCE and the U.S., but conducting the elections in a democratic manner may still prove difficult. Firstly, the last election took considerably longer time to plan and it is highly unlikely that the problems of incomplete voting lists, ballot stuffing and other trademarks of Caucasian elections will just vanish in the hands of the new Georgian leadership and the new CEC. Secondly, Saakashvili will most probably win the presidential election. But one should remember that it was not only Shevardnadze faithfuls that participated in fraudulent activities during the recent parliamentary elections in November; numerous MPs, local as well as regional leaders may feel threatened by a transparent election. The interim government has a strong following in Tbilisi but it is difficult to estimate their support in the regions. This being said, one thing is almost certain, Eduard Shevardnadze will not participate. Burjanadze commented on Shevardnadze’s ousting from power as an unfortunate choice of friends: “Unfortunately he surrounded himself with advisors and persons with very little connection to the Georgian people. This was his biggest mistake. But I don’t think he understood that until now and now it is too late. I have not had the opportunity to speak to Mr. Shevardnadze yet. Of course I will speak to him soon. As he has already won the presidential elections twice, he is not allowed according to the constitution to run again. If he would like to, he can of course run for parliament, although I don’t think that he would do that.”

The 30- year Shevardnadze era in Georgian political life has come to an end and a new era awaits Georgia. One person that has already openly challenged the new leadership is the Russian-oriented leader of Adjara, Aslan Abashidze.With control of the Black Sea port in Batumi and the most fertile soil in the country, Adjara is practically self-sufficient. In line with the saying from the film the Godfather “Keep your friends close and your enemies closer”, Abashidze’s self-government of Adjara was tolerated through a “gentlemen’s agreement”, between Abashidze and Shevardnadze. With Shevardnadze gone from the political scene, the terms have to be renegotiated. The new leadership claims to seek stability and peace but stark challenges await it.