Some call the events as a “revolution”, but some prefer to call it as a popular movement or takeover. In either case, it has resulted with a clear transfer of power to the former aides of Akayev regime, aides from the old days when even Akayev was more sensitive about clan and regional balances in the administration. Traditional clan rivalries and alliances have never been more open and visible in the history of this society.

In the countryside, Kyrgyz (ethnically mostly Kyrgyz and Russian) volunteer observers were quite active from the opening of the ballot boxes to the counting and tabulation of results. In most cases, these 3,000 volunteers worked round the clock, from 6 am on July 10th to 6 am on July 11th. After five similar missions in the past, it was a real surprise for this author to see such a decisive civil initiative in post-soviet Central Asia. It was also impressive to observe the patience and hospitality of the members of regional election commissions to international observers, even when in some cases they were openly insulted due to the ignorance of national traditions and customs on the part of foreign observers.

The election technology was also worth of praising. The transparent ballot boxes, special ink only visible with an ultraviolet light, and a nationwide computerized tabulation and data system “Shailoo” (election in Kyrgyz) were impressive. However, all this cosmetic was far from helping people to improve the quality of their civil choice. In the majority of the voting stations, there was a scarcity of young people voting, whereas most of the local volunteers with orange t-shirts, observing the elections consisted of young activists. To vote for Bakiyev, who already received the support of his two major potential rivals (in terms of tribe, clan and regional allegiances), was like an automated process.

One important issue is that the ethnic Uzbeks are still marginalized from the political arena of the county, even in the South. However, this is also subject to rapid change. The need for a national reconciliation is forcing Kyrgyz policy-makers to try their best to win over the hearts and minds of ethnic minorities. Russians, of course, were the first to give a positive response. The sizable Uyghur minority in Bishkek and other cities is still waiting to see the first steps to be taken by the new administration concerning their status and Kyrgyzstan’s relations with China.

The status and future of the Uzbek refugees from Andizhan are still unknown. One would agree that their future is closely associated with the future of Kyrgyz democracy and regional transition. It is remarkable that the new administration has already started to voice a heavy tone about achieving “stability and peace within the country.” This might be considered as a sign of upcoming pressures on Uzbek refugees.

Needless to say, one of the major factors preparing the end of Akaev regime was the agitation of the opposition, especially in the South, about Akaev’s deal with China, surrendering a considerable size of territory to the Eastern neighbor. It is important now for many Kyrgyz patriots for something similar not to happen in forthcoming border demarcation regulations. In that respect, the status of the Uzbek enclaves in the South and West are explosive in nature. IN the final analysis, Bakiyev’s anti-American comments not only nullified conspiracy theories about the U.S.-engineered revolutions in this part of the world, but also uncovered the willingness of the new cadres to continue to work with Russians and the Chinese in the short run.